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Day to Day with Gandhi/Volume 2/Leaflets reg. Horniman's Deportation
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| Satyagraha: Its Significance | Day to Day with Gandhi ~ Volume 2 ~ Appendix III. A to K. Leaflets reg. Horniman's Deportation written by Mahadev Desai, translated by Hemantkumar Nilkanth | Index |
| Leaflets issued by Gandhiji re. Horniman's deportation and essence of Satyagraha. |
Contents |
APPENDIX III-A
Brothers and Sisters,
With great sorrow and equal pleasure I have to inform you that the Government have today removed Mr. Horniman from Bombay and he has been placed on board a steamer bound for England. Mr. Horniman is a very brave and generous Englishman. He has given us the mantra of liberty, he has fearlessly exposed wrong wherever he has seen it and thus been an ornament to the race to which he belongs, and rendered it a great service. Every Indian knows his service to India. I am sorry for the event because a brave Satyagrahi has been deported while I retain my physical liberty. I am glad because Mr. Horniman has been given the occasion of fulfilling his Pledge.
The publication of the Chronicle will, for the time being, be discontinued, because the Directors have wisely decided not to accede to the improper demands of the Government. In reality, however, the continuance of the Chronicle without Mr. Horniman would be like an attempt to sustain a body when the soul has departed.
The condition I have described is truly serious. Satyagraha is on the anvil. At the same time, this is a fine opportunity for demonstrating its purity and its invincibility. It will rest with Satyagrahis and other inhabitants of India to take advantage of the opportunity. I can fully appreciate the deep wound that will be caused to every Satyagrahi by the separation of a dear comrade. The nation will certainly feel hurt to find that the one who presented it with a daily draught of liberty is no more in its midst. At a time like this Satyagrahis and others will, in my opinion, demonstrate their true affection for Mr. Horniman only by remaining perfectly calm. It will be sheer thoughtlessness to break the peace. Modern civilization challenges the ancient. Satyagraha, now going on, is based upon the teachings of the ancient civilization, and if India accepts Satyagraha the superiority of the ancient civilization will be indicated. The world will see modern civilization in its nakedness and there is no doubt, that its votaries will retrace their steps.
The following are the practical suggestions I venture to place before you. There should be no stoppage of business anywhere in Hindustan, there should be no large public meetings of protest, no processions, no violence of any kind whatsoever and every effort should be made to stop any tendency thereto. I ask Satyagrahis and the sympathizers not to lose faith in the efficacy of Satyagraha and firmly to believe that the Satyagraha Pledge will be carried in its entirety.
26-4-1919
APPENDIX III-B
It is a good omen for Satyagraha that Bombay has preserved peace in spite of the unendurable separation of Mr. Horniman from us. I hope that it will be preserved whenever our other friends are arrested and even if I am arrested. The Government are entitled to arrest those whom they suspect. Moreover in our movement we consider it the proper thing to be arrested and imprisoned, when before our conscience we are found guiltless. How can we, therefore, be angry when any Satyagrahi is arrested ? We ought to know that the sooner innocent men are arrested, the sooner will this struggle end. I have heard some people say that in Satyagraha also the end is achieved by violence. They argue that when Satyagrahis are arrested, people become excited, resort to violence and thus get their demands acceded to. I hold this to be a dreadful superstition. The reverse is the truth. By the arrest of Satyagrahis, violence ensued in Ahmedabad and we have experienced the results of that violence. The people there are cowed down. Gujarat which never had the military in its midst has had an experience of it. It is my firm conviction that the victory of Satyagraha is attainable only by adherence to truth, avoidance of violence and by suffering. My experience in South Africa, Champaran, Kaira and other places fully bares out the truth of my statement. So long as we do not appreciate this truth, we are in no way fitted for Satyagraha. The question arises : "What then ought we to do ? Are we to sit with folded hands in spite of Mr. Horniman's deportation ?" I reply that the observance of perfect calm is itself demonstration of our grief over the separation, and of our intense activity along Satyagraha lines and by maintaining the same calmness of spirit we shall be better able to reach our goal and to welcome back our friend. When Hindustan is accustomed in the course of this struggle to rely only upon truth and non-violence, we shall be able to begin civil disobedience. Some say that it will take years before India recognizes the supremacy of truth and non-violence and therefore, it must take years to bring this struggle to a successful end. I would content myself with saying that when once the forces of truth and ahimsa are set in motion, the speed as they move becomes so accelerated that they take no time in permeating millions. For what is needful is to produce an impression of truth and non-violence upon their hearts and to infect them with faith in the efficacy of these two forces. If the Satyagrahis are true, it need not take longer than a month or two to bring about this result.
I venture to tender the following advice in order that as suggested above truth and non-violence may permeate the masses with an ever-increasing velocity. Great movement all the world over depend for their success largely upon the mercantile class. Bombay is a great emporium of trade in Hindustan, indeed in the world. With what rapidity would the force of truth move, if the merchants of Bombay were to avoid untruth and all the faults flowing from it even though introduction of truth in their business may mean smaller profits or even loss ! What greater honour can we pay to Mr. Horniman than by adopting honesty as our watchword in our mercantile transactions ? The foundation of our success rests in truth and if it pervades mercantile affairs, it will be a plaything to pull down the other citadels of untruth. I feel convinced that it is not difficult for those merchants of Bombay who have regard for Mr. Horniman to act according to the advice tendered by me and that if we can impress the Government with the truth in us and, by strictly observing the principle of non-violence, assure them of our harmlessness, it may not be necessary for us to resume civil disobedience.
27-4-1919
APPENDIX III-C
Friends have been incessantly telling me, a strong feeling prevails that some way ought to be found to give expression to popular feeling in the matter of Mr. Horniman's deportation. The desire is quite natural. But as I have already observed, the fact that we have preserved peace is itself an eloquent demonstration of our feelings. It is my special opinion that such preservation of peace is only possible where Satyagraha is going on. I believe that the authorities have also been amazed at the profound peace prevailing throughout the city. And no wonder. The Government know that popular feeling regarding Mr. Horniman runs high. In order that a demonstration of this feeling may not run in undesirable channels, the Government have made elaborate military dispositions. But it is highly creditable to Bombay that the military have had to remain idle. It is a worthy achievement for Satyagraha. I have no doubt that if people could thus restrain themselves on all occasions the nation would occupy a much higher status. No one need assume that we have not been taking or that we shall no longer take measures, for getting Mr. Horniman back in our midst. Of all measures the present calmness is the greatest. Yet I suggest that those who are keen on suspension of business may devote a day's profits to some public activity. But the chief thing I am desirous of saying in this leaflet is the following: The agitation hitherto adopted in this country is as different from Satyagraha as the North Pole is from the South. An appreciation of this fact will of itself remove many of our perplexities. We have seen that there is a difference between Satyagraha meetings and others. Satyagraha is based upon religion. In it only truth, calmness, serenity, patience, fearlessness, etc., should be seen. A Satyagraha strike must differ from the others. I have already quoted an occasion when a Satyagraha strike had to be suspended when a different strike was declared. What we expect to attain by acclamations in ordinary movements, we often gain by silence in Satyagraha. The human voice can never reach the distance that is covered by the still small voice of conscience. Instances to show the unique character of Satyagraha can easily be multiplied and we ought not to be surprised to see things not going in the orthodox fashion. And I, therefore, beseech all not to be agitated because they see no outward demonstration over Mr. Horniman's deportation. I ask them to be patient and to have full faith that by going along the path of Satyagraha, we shall meet our brother all the sooner for it.
28-4-1919
APPENDIX III-D
Letters continue to pour in containing complaints about the so-called inactivity regarding Mr. Horniman's deportation. Most of these letters are anonymous. One of them states that it does not matter even if violence be the result of our holding large meetings, etc. It adds that we shall gain nothing without violence and that without it we shall not be able to bring Mr. Horniman back to India.
It is simple enough to give a reply to the foregoing along the lines of Satyagraha. If violence be the condition of Mr. Horniman's return to India, then Satyagrahis have to be content with separation. But there is absolutely no fear of any such result from non-violence. We can certainly bring about his return by Satyagraha. Indeed we can hasten it by Satyagraha alone. Satyagraha consists at times in civil disobedience and other times in civil obedience. It consists at times in declaring hartal, or holding large public meetings or arranging processions and other times in refraining from any one or all of these things. Satyagrahis may not do a single thing that would bring about or encourage violence. At the present moment people are in a ferment, they are angry and it is likely that large meetings, processions, hartals may increase excitement and even end in violence. Both the people and the police are liable to err and both may have to suffer for the mistake of either. It is, therefore, clear that Satyagrahis ought to prevent such untoward results by every means at their disposal. Therein lies their Satyagraha. The nation can only rise higher by reason of the effort to be put forth, the discipline to be undergone and the soul-force to be exerted for the attainment of such an end. When the people have disciplined themselves to remain calm, to curb anger, to handle processions with self-restraint, to bring about hartals without threat or violence, when volunteers are so trained that the people listen to and act according to their instructions, we are in a position to hold meetings, declare hartals and arrange processions. It is enough to see that the just demands of a people so trained becomes irresistible. The present activity is directed towards the attainment of that end and I urge all to read this leaflet and those who are able to help, to go to the Satyagraha Sabha offices and have their names registered as helpers.
Now let us for a moment examine, not from the Satyagraha but from the ordinary standpoint the proposition that we can by violence bring about Mr. Horniman's early return or accomplish our other objects. I believe that what is true and possible in other countries is not necessarily true and possible in Hindustan. India has from time immemorial received a different training. In India one cannot recall a time when the whole people were engaged in the use of brute force. It is my belief that India deliberately abandoned universal use of brute-force. We have noted the results of violence in the Punjab. Ahmedabad is still suffering. We shall hereafter be able to measure the full dreadful effect of violence. One such effect is the suspension of civil disobedience. We ought, therefore, to consider as erroneous the belief that by violence we can hasten Mr. Horniman's return or gain other objects.
In one of the letters received by me it is argued that Satyagrahis have no right to advise others to refrain from demonstrations, etc., even if they choose to do so. But we observe at the present moment in Hindustan a vast number of people desirous of taking part in all the Satyagraha activities other than civil disobedience. This state of things causes as much anxiety as pleasure. It throws a tremendous responsibility upon Satyagrahis. One of them is this : If the people are interested in Satyagraha and are desirous of experiencing its wonderful results, Satyagrahis have to so act that the people may become trained to participate in the movement in strict accordance with its principles; and its fundamental principle is adherence to truth and non-violence to person or property; and when the people have accepted this principle, the whole world will have a demonstration of the efficacy of Satyagraha.
1-5-1919
APPENDIX III-E
"When is Satyagraha going to be resumed ?" is the question many have been asking me. There are two answers. One is that Satyagraha has not at all ceased. As long as we practise truth, and ask others to do so, so long Satyagraha can never be said to have ceased. And if all practise truth, and refrain from violence to person and property, we would immediately get what we want. But when all are not prepared to do so, when Satyagrahis are only a handful, then we have to devise other methods deducible from Satyagraha. One such method is Civil Disobedience. I have already explained the reason why this civil disobedience has been for the time being suspended. As long as we know that there is every likelihood, bordering on certainty, of rioting and violence following civil disobedience, so long disobedience of laws cannot be regarded as civil disobedience, but it is disobedience that is thoughtless, uncivil and devoid of truth. Satyagrahais may never commit such disobedience. The resumption of civil disobedience can, however, be hastened by the Satyagrahis completely fulfilling their duty.
My confidence in Satyagrahis has led me to assume that we shall be fitted for resuming civil disobedience in about two months i. e., if the Rowlatt legislation is not withdrawn in the meantime, we may resume civil disobedience by the beginning of July next. In provisionally fixing this period, I am guided by the following considerations : One of them is that we shall have by that time spread our message throughout the country, viz., that during the pendency of civil disobedience, no one, under cover of Satyagraha, or the pretence of helping it, should resort to rioting or violence. It may be hoped that the people being convinced that the true interest of the country will be served by acting in accordance with the message will preserve peace. And peace thus voluntarily sustained will materially contribute towards India's progress. But it is possible that India may not understand Satyagraha to this extent. In that case, there is one more hope of the non-recurrence of violence, though the condition upon which the hope is based is humiliating for us. It is open to the Satyagrahis, however, to avail of this condition. Indeed, it becomes their duty to resume Satyagraha under such conditions. The military dispositions that are now going on will naturally ensure non-recurrence of violence that is so detrimental to the country. The recent outbreaks were all so sudden that the Government were not prepared to cope with them there and then. But the Government arrangements are quite likely to be completed in two months' time and breach of public peace will then be well-nigh impossible, and, therefore, also conscious or unconscious abuse of Satyagraha. Under such a state of things, the Satyagrahis may, without any fear of disturbance, commit civil disobedience and thereby demonstrate that not violence but Satyagraha alone can help us to secure justice.
2-5-1919
APPENDIX III-F
A proper understanding of two things in Satyagraha enables one to solve without effort many doubts. One of them is that a Satyagrahi never does anything out of fear from without. He should fear only God. By bearing this thing in mind, we shall clearly see why we have suspended civil disobedience, why over Mr. Horniman's deportation we have not declared hartal, not held large meetings and not arranged processions. In so refraining we have not been actuated, if we are true Satyagrahis, by fear, but purely by a sense of duty. The more a Satyagrahi fulfils his duty as such, the nearer he brings victory. The other thing to be remembered, and which is at the present moment perhaps of greater importance than the first, is that a Satyagrahi never desires to reach the goal by harbouring or increasing ill-will or hatred against his opponent. He will look upon him even as a friend and yet ever resist the wrong done by him without bearing malice towards him. By such conduct worthy of a Satyagrahi, causes conducing to enmity will decrease and both parties will acknowledge and avoid mistakes. We know the Rowlatt legislation to be altogether bad, but that is no reason for harbouring ill-will against the Government. The harbouring of ill will in no way enable us the better to assess that evil legislation, or to advance the movement against it. On the contrary, such ill-will can only damage the movement. For, obsessed by it, we refuse to understand or weigh the opponent's argument. We thus disable ourselves from producing the necessary impression upon the opponent and to that extent retard victory if we do not make it impossible. We are aware that the questions regarding Turkey have caused greater hurt to our Mohammedan brethren than has been caused to Hindus, Mohammedans and others by the Rowlatt legislation. But they cannot solve their difficulties by ill-will. These difficulties can only be solved by proper deliberation, by properly framing and publishing their demands and by firm adherence thereto. So doing, they can enlist the help of the Hindus, Parsis, Christians, in fact, the whole world, and thus make their demands irresistible. If we harbour anger or ill-will against the Government on account of the Rowlatt legislation, or other questions, and, therefore, resort to violence, we shall be powerless even to consolidate Indian opinion, let alone the world's opinion. The gulf between the English and ourselves will widen and we shall be no nearer the goal. Victory attained by violence is tantamount to a defeat, for it is momentary. Then there is increase of ill-will between both the parties and each prepares to give battle to the other. There is no such untoward end to Satyagraha. A Satyagrahi by reason of suffering for his principles draws towards himself universal sympathy and even melts the heart of the so-called enemy. Had we not erred in Ahmedabad and Viramgam, the history of the movement would have been written differently. There would have been no increase of ill-will between the English and ourselves, no military dispositions such as we see about us and yet our determination to get rid of the Rowlatt legislation would have gone much further forward, probably by this time it might have been crowned with success, resulting at the same time in a bridging of the gulf between the English and ourselves. It is, however, never too late to mend. We can retrace our steps. The retracing consists in curbing anger and ill-will against the English and, therefore, refraining from violence. As a matter of fact, the mistake in passing the Rowlatt legislation is not of the English nation, nor of the English in India. It is purely of those in authority. Nations are often ignorant of what is done in their names. The powers too do not make deliberate mistakes, they act as they think fit. That fact, however, does not cause the people any the less harm and, therefore, whilst we harbour no ill-will against those in authority, we spare no pains in taking effective steps for mending the mistake, but regarding it only as such and no more, we refrain from violence and secure its reversal by self-suffering.
3-5-1919
APPENDIX III-G
We have seen in our last leaflet that the actions of a Satya-grahi should not be prompted by fear from without but by the voice from within, and that a Satyagrahi should not think of attaining his objects by harbouring ill-will towards his opponent but should win him over by his friendliness. I see that many hesitate to accept the second proposition. They argue : "How can we help being angry with wrong-doers ? It is against human nature to do otherwise. How can we separate the wrong from the wrong-doer ? How is it possible to direct our anger against the wrong without directing it against the wrong-doer ?" A father, far from getting angry with his son, often expresses his disapproval of wrong action by taking suffering on his own per-son. Only on such mutual conduct is continuance of friendly relations between father and son possible. These relations cease with the ceasing of such conduct. It is our daily lot to go through these experiences and hence the proverb, "Let quarrels perish." We can vice in peace and be free from our fearful position only if we apply the domestic law to our relations with the Government. The doubt need not be raised whether the domestic law can at all be extended to our relations with the Government, and whether the law of love does not for its operation require reciprocity. In Satyagraha, both the parties need not be Satyarahis. Where both the parties are Satyagrahis, there is no play for Satyagraha, no opportunity for the test of love. Insistence on truth can come into play only when one party practises untruth or injustice. Only then can love be tested. True friendship is put to the test only when one party disregards the obligations of friendship. We stand to lose everything when we are angry against the Government. Mutual distrust and mutual ill-will are thereby augmented. But if we act without in the least being angry with the Government, but also without being cowed down by their armed force, and without submitting to what we believe to be injustice, injustice would of itself be removed and we would easily attain the equality which our goal. This equality does not depend on our power to answer their brute force with brute force, but on our ability to stand our ground without fear of brute force, and real fearlessness is not possible without love. A clear victory for Satyagraha is impossible so long as there is ill-will. But those who believe themselves to be weak are incapable of loving. Let then our first act very morning be to make the following resolve for the day: "I shall not rear anyone on earth. I shall fear only God; I shall not bear ill-will towards anyone. I shall not submit to injustice from anyone. I shall conquer untruth by truth and in resisting untruth I shall put up with ass suffering."
4-5'-19
APPENDIX III-H
Bombay has borne with great calmness the separation of Mr. Horniman. The long-sustained calmness observed by Bombay under unendurable circumstances had demonstrated its capacity for self-restraint. But the discussions at the meetings of the Satyagraha Sabha and reports of popular discussions show that the minds of the people are by no means appeased. They are desirous of publicly expressing their grief and feelings in some way or other. The desire is and must be irrepressible. The people will never forget what Mr. Horniman has done for them. He has given them a new life, a new hope and there is no doubt that they have remained calm in the hope that an occasion would be provided for them to mark their pure affection for Mr. Horniman. The Satyagraha Sabha last night decided after mature deliberation that nexst Sunday, 11th instant, should be the day of observance of hartal, fasting for 24 hours reckoning from precious evening, and private religious devotion in every home.
The first suggestion, i.e., hartal, is applicable to the city of Bombay. In times of unrest, such as we are passing through, it does not seem proper to declare hartal in other places. Not to observe it in other places is for the people thereof an act of self-restraint and in the city of Bombay, too, it is to be confined to independent businessmen. Those who are employed in public or private offices are in no way to suspend business unless they obtain leave. There should be no pressure exerted upon anybody, no force used against anyone with a view to inducing suspension. For suspension brought about by force is no suspen-sion, for a mind acted upon by force continues to contemplate the act from which it is restrained by force. We are bound not only not to interfere with a man who wants to open a shop or a ghariwalla who wishes to ply for hire, but to afford him every protection. I hope that both men and women in Bombay and elsewhere who have no religious or medical objection will observe the fast and devote the day to religious contemplation and try to understand the true nature of Satyagraha by recalling the illustrations of Satyagraha from their own scriptures. We shall consider hereafter the efficacy of fasting as an aid to national progress, to the development of national ideals and to the attainment of restraint over our passions such as hunger, etc. For the time being, it is enough that we observe an absolutely voluntary Satyagraha hartal next Sunday in the city of Bombay; we observe a fast everywhere and engage in private religious devotion in a spirit of calmness and love. We shall thereby add to our honour and speed Mr. Horniman's return.
5-5-1919
APPENDIX III-I
To declare a hartal is no small matter. It requires strong reasons to support it. Let us, therefore, examine the justification for it. The citizens of Bombay are impatient to give some outward evidence of their deep affection for Mr. Horniman. They can provide it in a striking manner by means of hartal. Everybody's feelings will be tested thereby. Moreover, hartal is an ancient Indian institution for expressing national sorrow and we can, therefore, demonstrate through hartal our grief over the deportation; and hartal is the best method of marking our strong disapproval of the action of the Government. It is a means, more powerful than monster meetings, of expressing national opinion. Thus we serve three purposes by hartal and all of them are so great that we do not expose ourselves to the charge of exaggeration in declaring hartal.
This much is clear that none of the purposes above named will be served, if suspension of business is brought about through fear of public opprobrium or physical pressure. If suspension were to be brought about by terrorism and if Mr. Horniman came to know of it, he could not but be displeased and grieved by the knowledge, and such artificial hartal would fail to produce any effect upon the Government. Hartal forcibly brought about cannot be considered Satyagrahi hartal. In anything Satyagrahi, there should be purity of motive, means and end. I, therefore, hope that no man or woman who is unwilling to suspend business will in any way be interfered with, but that he or she will be guaranteed protection from any harm whatsoever. I would far rather wish that people did not suspend business on Sunday in the city of Bombay and that the organizers were not exposed to ridicule than that force was used upon a single person in order to make him suspend business. In order to avoid all risk of commotion in Bombay on Sunday, the Idea of holding public meetings has been discountenanced and all have been advised to remain indoors. As all Satyagraha activity should be guided by the religious spirit, I have suggested that we should fast for twentyfour hours and devote the day to religious contemplation, and it is to be hoped that all the members of families including children and servants will take part in the religious observance. Hindus may have the Bhagavad Gita read to them. It takes four hours to read through it with clear pronunciation. Other Hindu religious books might be read in addition to or in place of it. The Mohammedans and others may have their own scriptures read to them. It will be a proper way of spending the day to read the stories of great Satyagrahis such as Prahlad, Harishchandra, Mirabai, Imam Hasan and Husain, Socrates and others. It will be opportune also to explain to family gatherings Mr. Horniman's title to our affection. The chief thing to be remembered is that we may not fritter away next Sunday in playing cards, chowpar, gambling or in sheer laziness, but that it should be so spent as to make us better men and women for national service. Better-placed and well-to-do families will, I hope, invite such of their neighbours as may be poor, solitary or ignorant, to participate in the religious devotion. A brotherly spirit is cultivated not by words but only by deeds.
Mr. Motilal Dahyabhai Zaveri of Kalbadevi Road has just dropped in and informed me that before the news of the declaration of hartal next Sunday, he had issued invitations for a wedding party on that day. He also said there were many such parties to be given on the same day. Mr. Motilal was most anxious that he and his friends should take part in the observance. I venture to advise that so far as the religious part of the wedding ceremonial was concerned, it should be gone through without disturbance, but that dinner parties and other rejoicings might be postponed to Monday. His patriotic affection for Mr. Horniman was such that he immediately accepted the advice and I tender it for the acceptance of those who may be similarly situated. 6-5'-19
APPENDIX III-J
By hartal, fasting and religious devotion on Sunday next, the people propose to demonstrate to the Government in terms of Satyagraha that it is not possible for them to bring about true contentment by force of arms. So long as the Rowlatt legislation is not withdrawn, so long as the Government continue to suppress men like Mr. Horniman who carry on innocent agitations against such acts of the Government, not only is true contentment impossible, but discontent must increase. All the world over a true peace depends not upon gunpowder but upon pure justice. When Government perpetrate injustice and fortify it by the use of arms, such acts are a sign of anger and they add injustice to injustice. If people also become angry by reason of such acts on the part of the Government, they resort to violence and the result is bad for both, mutual ill-will increases. But whenever people regard particular acts of the Government as unjust and express their strong disapproval by self-suffering, the Government cannot help granting redress. This is the way of Satyagraha and the people of Bombay will have an opportunity on Sunday next of giving expression in a clean manner to such disapproval.
A hartal brought about voluntarily and without pressure is a powerful means of showing popular disapproval, but fasting is even more so. When people fast in a religious spirit and thus demonstrate their grief before God, it receives a certain response. Hardest hearts are impressed by it. Fasting is regarded by all religions as a great discipline. Those who voluntarily fast become gentle and purified by it. A pure fast is a very powerful prayer. It is no small thing for lakhs of people voluntarily to abstain from food and such a fast is a Satyagrahi fast. It ennobles indi-viduals and nations. In it there should be no intention of exerci-sing undue pressure upon the Government. But we do observe that like so many other good acts, this one of fasting too is sometimes abused. In India we often see beggars threatening to fast, fasting, or pretending to fast, until they receive what they ask for. This is duragrahi fasting and the person so fasting degrades himself and it will be the proper thing to let such people fast. It is false kindness to give anything under pressure of such fasting. If it were to be otherwise, fasting may be resorted to even for securing unlawful demands. Where it is a question of determining the justice or otherwise of a particular act, there is no room for any other force but that of reason regulated by the voice of conscience. The coming fast is thus in no way to be interpreted as designed to put pressure upon the Government.
7-5-1919
APPENDIX III-K
Bombay covered itself with glory by preserving perfect calm, and the citizens have shown by their peaceful hartal that they have understood a portion of Satyagraha. They have done true honour to Mr. Horniman and demonstrated to the Government that they disapprove of his deportation. Bombay has set a worthy example to the whole of India. It is a matter of pride for Bombay, from the Satyagraha standpoint, that some shops were open. This fact proved the voluntary character of the hartal. Many causes contributed to the success of this remarkable demonstration, but the chief among them was the performance of their duty by volunteers under Mr. Vithaldas Jerajani. They had commenced operations from the commen-cement of the talk of hartal, and we had the results of their efforts yesterday. Our thanks are due also to the police. If aggressive military dispositions had been made, the people would have become excited and the task of preserving peace would have been much more difficult.
A nation enjoying or desiring to enjoy Swaraj must possess the following four attributes :
(1) The police should be the least needed for self-protection and there should be concord between them and the people ;
(2) jails should be the least patronized;
(3) the hospitals should have few cases; and
(4) the law courts should have the least work.
Where people do violence, commit crimes, and not exercising control over their senses and committing a breach of nature's laws become diseased and engage in perpetual quarrels resulting in law-suits, they are not free but in bondage. We shall learn the first chapter of Swaraj and liberty when India adopts the example of Bombay as a permanent way of life.
12-5-1919
