It is a month today since the first bulletin was written. My colleagues and I have had many enlightening experiences during the period. Meetings were held at various places such as Nadiad, Karamsad, Ras, Kathlal, Jambusar etc. Hundreds of men and women were approached and frank talks were held.
I beg to submit here the impressions we have gained through our experiences. Hardly a hundred men have enrolled themselves as recruits. When I compare the result with the time spent, a month, and with the many tours undertaken, I feel that this number is very small. If, on the other hand, I think of the present wretched condition of the people, I am surprised at even this number. Those who had never joined in any physical fight, who had never even brandished a walking stick against anybody have enrolled themselves. If then the class of physically and mentally fit but ignorant persons are persuaded to join, we can supply an unending array of soldiers.
The present times have clearly brought out the faults of the 'knowing' men. I use the word 'knowing' and not 'educated' purposely. If men and women of this class do their duty properly, they can successfully influence those classes which are illiterate but constitutionally fit to be soldiers. My experience reveals one great weakness of the elite. They do not possess sufficient national consciousness and do not take enough interest in national work. That is why the recruiting campaign becomes a difficult job. Those of them, therefore, who happen to read this bulletin must enroll themselves and exhort the illiterate and politically unconscious classes to do the same, if, of course, they have faith in this programme.
But I have seen some among them who do not believe in this work. This bulletin is specially meant to remove their doubts. I request them to read it carefully. It is a wise man's business to chalk out his line of action after a careful consideration of the actually prevailing situation. We must on no account help the British if we really wish to sever our connection with them, but I know of only a very few who say that they want to cut it off. And everyone can clearly see that even they cannot do so right to-day. Be that as it may, our salvation lies in helping the British just now. To help them is to help ourselves. Where our interests are identical with theirs, it is sheer folly to remember old scores and refuse to help the other party. If our village is attacked by dacoits and the whole village is in danger, we will forget all our internal feuds and animosities and rush to the rescue of our enemies within the village to drive away the outsiders. Exactly similar is the situation that faces us in this war to-day. Opposition to the common danger is not only the need of the hour but our imperative duty. Then there is another question that is raised : "How could it be our dharma to get our best men killed in the war ? All the Swarajists will be exterminated and how can we then fight and win Swaraj ?" Were this argument not advanced by some of the intelligentsia, I would have called it simply ridiculous. If the whole of India contains only 5 lakhs of Swarajists, it is clear we are not fit for Swaraj. But then the doubting Thomas says, "Whatever the number of Swarajists, the intelligent among them who actively agitate for Swaraj are definitely less than 5 lakhs, and these would be swept off.." At first sight the statement is a convincing argument. Only, one important point is overlooked here. In the process of creating an army of 5 lakhs of men determined to lay down their lives, 50 lakhs will have come to know the implications of 'Swaraj', 'war' etc. We wish to raise the tempo of 5 lakhs of men to such a pitch that they would enroll themselves consciously and of their own free will. They will have consulted their friends and relatives before they do. These 5 lakhs will thus leave behind them lakhs of men with the same fiery enthusiasm as they possess. But the real point behind these objections is the fact that we have lost the power to fight altogether and with it all our bravery. We do not possess even the capacity to protect our women. In the name of dharma we have put on the shelf our karma (duty). We cannot face depredators even in broad daylight. It is only India among all the countries of the world where you can meet with the sight of 8 men raiding a population of 1000 and coolly looting and robbing the thousand without having to put up a fight. Not that the Indian villagers are physically so weak as to be unable to drive out the dacoits. But death is a nightmare to them. "Why should one risk his life by plunging in such a fight? Let the robbers have a free hand. It is the Government's business to deal with them and why bother oneself to meddle in what is the Government's function ? Let us save our bones". This is their mentality and they keep to their homes. These 'philosophers' remain passive and indifferent witnesses if the neighbours' house is burnt, if he is dishonoured and disgraced, or if he is robbed of his property. So long as this pseudo-philosophy is not uprooted from the Indian soil, there is not going to be any real peace in the country. It is an intolerable sight for a man of self-respect to see his village saved only by the Government policemen or privately employed chowkidars A splendid chance offers itself to save ourselves from this tragic plight. Recruitment will teach us how to bear arms, fire us with national consciousness and enable us to protect our villages.
'What will happen to our wives and children ?' is the question on everybody's lips. Over and above food and clothing, the soldier gets a minium salary of Rs. 18 and his position and pay are raised according to the worth he displays. Besides, the Government provides for the maintenance of his wife and children, if he dies in the war. If he returns home, he is rewarded with prizes and honours. I believe that everything considered, the profession of a soldier is more paying than many others.
"But these advantages, you talk of, are only the monopoly of the Englishman. Which Indian ever gets them ?" This also is an argument I have heard from many. To them I will say that it is impossible for anybody to cheat us of the rights which Englishmen enjoy, even after a stupendous army of 5 lakhs of men is raised by our exertions. If that differentiation persists even then, it would only mean the weakness of those 5 lakhs and their leaders. An army of 5 lakhs, once created, is bound to gain equality with the British army and secure all the rights the latter enjoys. The very formation of that huge phalanx carries with it, as an inevitable consequence, the conferment of those rights.
"You say we must enlist without any pre-conditions. Others advise us to do so only after securing the promise of the grant of our rights. And there are others still who say we are not at all bound to help in the war and that we need not unnecessarily waste our energy and harm ourselves. We are lost in the maze of these three bewildering advices. To us, therefore, it seems that wisdom lies in sitting tight and doing nothing." In my opinion this is the language of the coward. As time passes, parties will be formed and they will hold varying views. You will have to sift them all, form your own views and act upon them. Let us not forget that you and we all have taken a solemn oath to win Swaraj. If for nothing else, for that sacred vow we must join the army. If we do not, I for one, go to the length of considering our indifference a breach and betrayal of our pledge. Moreover, there is every danger of our being left out from taking part in the war and of the consequent postponement of the implementation of the Swaraj Scheme, if we insist at present on pre-conditions. In our very admission into the ranks automatically lies the safety of our country and of the grant of Swaraj. All parties are unanimously of the view that no harm whatsoever is going to be done to the attainment of Swaraj, if we enlist ourselves in the army. Considering the pros and cons of all the three views, therefore, I believe that the one that supports recruitment is the best. I hope the residents of the Kaira District will do their duty and give their names for enrolment in the army to the volunteers in the district or send them direct to the Ashram.
I hope our women will help in this work. I know of some of them who stop their husbands and sons from joining the army. If they only reflect a little more seriously, they will find that it is in their own interest to let their husbands and sons become brave men. And it is undoubtedly to the good of the country.
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi
Nadiad, 22-7-1918
